AUDIT PAPUA TIMELINE - 2013


Greetings, 
Lets Start with 5W1H For Historical Timeline :


 I) What and When ?? Its Starting : here >>JFK - INDONESIA - FREEPORT  
II) Why and Who >>INDONESIAN UNDERCOVER IMPACT OF MASONIC ,  
III) and then raise CAUSAL issues >>[1] 
IIII) EFFECT report at >(2) .  
VI) PROBLEM SOLVING ? Do we blame who killed JFK ?? (3) 
V) And start WWIII like the one from The REPTOIDS BLOODLINE want to ??  
VI) is this anti semitsm or semitsm ISSUES that they want to divide et impera humanity ??  
VII) ANSWER - TRACE AND FOLLOW THE MONEY, THEN THE PROBLEM IS IN OURSELF. 
CMIIW .  
Best Regards 
#dandy

Konspirasi Tewasnya 8 Anggota TNI di Papua, Babak Awal Skenario Asing

Kejadian tewasnya 8 anggota TNI meski ini menyakitkan bagi TNI dan seluruh anak bangsa, namun kita harus berkepala dingin menangani ini. Ini hanya babakan awal dari yang pernah saya tulis di buku Tangan Tangan Amerika(Operasi Siluman AS di Pelbagai Belahan Dunia) terbitan 2010, bahwa dalam skema yang dirancang Pentagon melalui rekomendasi studi Rand Corporation, Indonesia harus dibagi 7 wilayah, yang mana salah satu prioritas jangka pendek adalah memerdekakan Papua. Ini adalah bagian dari BALKANISASI NUSANTARA.
Maka, kejadian tewasnya 8 anggota TNI, jangan dibaca semata sebagai konsekwesnsi Perang antara TNI dan OPM, tapi lebih dari itu, untuk membenturkan antara TNI dan warga sipil Papua, yang nantinya seakan semua warga sipil Papua adalah OPM.
Skema dan kebijakan strategis pemerintahan Obama pasca Bush ini harus dicermati secara seksama. Dengan jargon demokrasi dan penegakan HAM sebagai isu sentral, maka masalah masa depan Aceh dan Papua bisa menjadi duri dalam daging bagi hubungan Indonesia-Amerika ke depan.
Apalagi sebuah badan riset dan pengembangan strategis di Amerika bernama Rand Corporation, yang dikenal sering melayani secara akademis kepentingan Departemen Pertahanan Amerika (Pentagon) dan atas dukungan dana dari Pentagon, internasionalisasi Aceh ternyata masih merupakan isu sentral dan agenda mereka hingga sekarang. Bahkan dalam scenario building yang mereka gambarkan, wilayah Indonesia harus dipecah menjadi delapan bagian.
Sekadar informasi, rekomendasi Rand Corporation ihwal memecah Indonesia jadi 8 bagian tersebut dikeluarkan pada tahun 1998. Artinya, pada masa ketika Presiden Clinton masih menjabat sebagai presiden. Berarti rekomendasi Rand Corporation atas sepengetahuan dan sepersetujuan Presiden Clinton dan Pentagon.
Dengan demikian, menjadi cukup beralasan bahwa rekomendasi Rand Corporation tersebut akan dijadikan opsi oleh Obama. Karena rekomendasi Rand Corporation dikeluarkan ketika suami Hillary masih berkuasa.
Apa yang diinginkan oleh Pentagon dari skenario Rand Corporation Clinton..? itu Artinya, skenario ”Balkanisasi Nusantara” menjadi opsi yang logis untuk diterapkan oleh Departemen Luar Negeri Amerika di era Obama dan Hillary Clinton.
Dalam skenario Balkanisasi ini, akan ada beberapa negara yang terpisah dari NKRI. Yang sudah terpisah Yaitu Timor Timur yang terjadi pada 1999 masa pemerinthana Habibie. Lalu Aceh, sepertinya sedang dalam proses dan berpotensi untuk pecah melalui “sandiwara” MoU Helsinki dan kemungkinan (telah) menangnya Partai Lokal di Aceh pada Pemilu 2009 tahun ini. Kemudian Ambon, Irian Jaya, Kalimantan Timur, Riau, Bali. Dan sisanya tetap Indonesia.
Anggap saja skenario ini memang sudah ditetapkan oleh pemerintahan Obama, maka besar kemungkinan skenario ini akan dijalankan Amerika tidak dengan menggunakan aksi militer.
Dalam skema ini, Diplomasi Publik Menlu Clinton akan menjadi elemen yang paling efektif untuk menjalankan skenario Balkanisasi Nusantara tersebut.
Dengan kata lain, mengakomodasi dan menginternasionalisasi masalah Aceh atau Irian Jaya, akan dipandang oleh Amerika sebagai bagian dari gerakan demokrasi dan penegakan HAM.
Dalam kaitan ini pula, Uni Eropa memang sejauh ini memang sudah menjadi pemain sentral di Aceh pasca MoU Helsinki. Misalnya saja Pieter Feith, Juha Christensen sementara dari persekutuan Inggris, Australia dan Amerika, mengandalkan pemain sentralnya pada Dr Damien Kingsbury dan Anthoni Zinni.
Mereka semua ini dirancang sebagai agen-agen lapangan yang tujuannya adalah memainkan peran sebagai mediator ketika skenario jalan buntu terjadi antara pihak pemerintah Indonesia dan gerakan separatis. Ketika itulah mereka-mereka ini menjadi aktor-aktor utama dari skenario internasionalisasi Aceh, Irian Jaya, dan daerah-daerah lainnya yang berpotensi untuk memisahkan diri dari NKRI.
Motivasi para penentu kebijakan luar negeri Amerika memang bisa dimengerti. Karena dengan lepasnya daerah-daerah tersebut, Amerika bisa mengakses langsung kepada para elite daerah tanpa harus berurusan dengan pemerintahan di Jakarta seperti sekarang ini.
Dorongan untuk memperoleh daerah pengaruh nampaknya memang bukan monopoli kepresidenan Bush. Obama pun pada hakekatnya bertujuan sama meski dengan metode yang berbeda.
Baik Bush maupun Obama agaknya menyadari bahwa konstalasi negara-negara di kawasan Amerika Latin yang notabene merupakan daerah halaman belakang mereka, ternyata semakin sulit untuk dikontrol. Dan bahkan berpotensi menjadi negara musuh Amerika.
Perkembangan terkini adalah menangnya calon presiden El Salvador yang berhaluan sosialis Mauricio Funes. Ekuador yang sekarang dipimpin oleh Presiden Rafael Correa seorang sosialis yang mengagendakan perlunya revolusi dalam ekonomi, pendidikan dan kesehatan.
Brazil sejak masa kepresidenan Luis Inacio Lula memprioritaskan pengamanan energi, Evo Morales dari Bolivia yang menekankan programnya pada nasionalisasi industri gas, pertambangan dan kehutanan. Serta pengembalian tanah rakyat kepada petani miskin, perlindungan warga Indian, dan sebagainya.
Beberapa presiden Amerika Latin yang berhaluan kiri-tengah adalah Presiden Chilie Michele Bachelet dan Presiden Peru Alan Garcia. Dan di atas itu semua, Hugo Chavez dari Venezuela yang belakangan perseteruannya dengam Amerika semakin menajam justru ketika Amerika dipimpin Obama yang lebih moderat dari Bush.
Perkembangan beruntun di Amerika Latin tersebut tentu saja mencemaskan Amerika, meski sebagai negara kecil tidak perlu dikhawatirkan secara kemiliteran. Namun ketika negara-negara tersebut tidak lagi kooperatif baik secara politik maupun ekonomi, jelas hal ini sangatlah mengganggu.
Apalagi ketika hal itu kemudian memicu kedekatan negara-negara latin tersebut kepada Cina, Rusia, Korea Utara, Iran dan lain sebagainya.
Skenario Kosovo untuk Papua Merdeka
Ini bukan rumor ini bukan gosip. Sebuah sumber di lingkungan Departemen Luar Negeri mengungkap adanya usaha intensif dari beberapa anggota kongres dari Partai Demokrat Amerika kepada Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) untuk membantu proses ke arah kemerdekaan Papua secara bertahap.
Menarik juga informasi ini jika benar. Karena dengan tampilnya Presiden Barrack Obama di tahta kepresidenan Gedung Putih, praktis politik luar negeri Amerika amat diwarnai oleh haluan Partai Demokrat yang memang sangat mengedepankan soal hak-hak asasi manusia. Karena itu tidak heran jika Obama dan beberapa politisi Demokrat yang punya agenda memerdekakan Papua lepas dari Indonesia, sepertinya memang akan diberi angin.
Beberapa fakta lapangan mendukung informasi sumber kami di Departemen Luar Negeri tersebut. Betapa tidak. Dalam dua bulan terakhir ini, US House of Representatives, telah mengagendakan agar DPR Amerika tersebut mengeluarkan rancangan FOREIGN RELATION AUTHORIZATION ACT (FRAA) yahg secara spesifik memuat referensi khusus mengenai Papua.
Undang-Undang Foreign Relation Authorization Act (FRAA) Pintu Masuk Menuju Papua Merdeka
Kalau RUU FRAA ini lolos di kongres Amerika, maka Amerika akan menindaklanjuti UU FRAA ini melalui serangkaian operasi politik dan diplomasi yang target akhirnya adalah meyakinkan pihak Indonesia untuk melepaskan, atau setidaknya mengkondisikan adanya otonomi khusus bagi Papua, untuk selanjutnya memberi kesempatan kepada warga Papua untuk menentukan nasibnya sendiri.
Skenario semacam ini jelasnya sangat berbahaya dari segi keutuhan wilayah Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI). Dan sialnya kita juga lemah di fron diplomasi maupun fron intelijen. Padahal, skema di balik dukungan Obama dan Demokrat melalui UU FRAA, justru diplomasi dan intelijen menjadi strategi dan sarana yang dimainkan Washington untuk menggolkan kemerdekaan Papua.
Karena itu, kita harus mewaspadai beberapa kasus kerusuhan yang meletus di Papua, bahkan ketika pemilihan presiden 8 Juli 2009 lalu sedang berlangsung.
Mari kita kilas balik barang sejenak. 13 Mei 2009, terjadi provokasi paling dramatis, ketika beberapa elemen OPM menguasai lapangan terbang perintis Kapeso, Memberamo, yang dipimpin oleh disertir tentara, Decky Embiri. Meski demikian, berkat kesigapan aparat TNI, pada 20 Juni 2009 berhasil dipukul mundur.
Namun provokasi OPM nampaknya tidak sampai di situ saja. 24 Juni 2009, OPM menyerang konvoi kendaraan polisi menuju Pos Polisi Tingginambut. Konvoi diserang di kampung Kanoba, Puncak Senyum, Distrik Tingginambut, Kabupaten Puncak Jaya. Anehnya, kejadian ini hanya 50 meter dari pos milik TNI.
Dalam kejadian di Tingginambut ini, seorang anggota Brimob Polda Papua tewas tertembak. Singkat cerita, inilah sekelumit kisah bagaimana sepanjang tahun 2009 ini OPM telah melakukan penyerangan di kawasan Tingginambut hingga tujuh kali serangan.
Jika kita cermati melalui manuver politik politisi Demokrat menggolkan RUU FRAA di Washington dengan kejadian kerusuhan berantai di Papua, bisa dipastikan kedua kejadian tersebut berkaitan satu sama lain.
Dalam teori operasi intelijen, serentetan kerusuhan yang dipicu oleh OPM dengan memprovokasi TNI dan Polri, maka tujuannya tiada lain untuk menciptakan suasana chaos dan meningkatnya polarisasi terbuka antara TNI-Polri dan OPM yang dicitrakan sebagai pejuang kemerdekaan.
Skenario semacam ini sebenarnya bukan jurus baru bagi Amerika mengingat hal ini sudah dilakukan mantan Presiden Bill Clinton ketika mendukung gerakan Kosovo merdeka lepas dari Serbia, dan bahkan juga mendukung terbentuknya Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).
Seperti halnya ketika Clinton mendukung KLA, Obama sekarang nampaknya hendak mencitrakan OPM sebagai entitas politik yang masih eksis di Papua dengan adanya serangkaian kerusuhan yang dipicu oleh OPM sepanjang 2009 ini.
Lucunya, beberapa elemen LSM asing di Papua, akan menyorot setiap serangan balasan TNI dan Polri terhadap ulah OPM memicu kerusuhan, sebagai tindakan melanggar HAM.
Tapi sebenarnya ini skenario kuno yang mana aparat intelijen kita seperti BIN maupun BAIS seharusnya sudah tahu hal akan dimainkan Amerika ketika Obama yang kebetulan sama-sama dari partai Demokrat, tampil terpilih sebagai Presiden Amerika.
Isu-isu HAM, memang menjadi ”jualan politik” Amerika mendukung kemerdekaan Papua. Karena melalui sarana itu pula Washington akan memiliki dalih untuk mengintervensi penyelesaian internal konflik di Papua.
Di sinilah sisi rawan UU FRAA jika nantinya lolos di kongres. Sebab dalam salah satu klausulnya, mengharuskan Departemen Luar Negeri Amerika melaporkan kepada kongres Amerika terkait pelanggaran-pelanggaran HAM di Papua.
Bisa jadi inilah salah satu kesepakatan diam-diam antara Obama dan LSM-LSM pro OPM ketika pri alumni Fakultas Hukum Universitas Harvard ini masih menjadi calon presiden. Jika memang benar, Obama berada dalam tekanan kuat untuk mendukung agenda ini lolos di kongres.
Pelanggaran HAM memang harus diakui menjadi isu sentral yang diangkat beberapa LSM pro OPM. Misalnya saja West Papua People’s Representative and OPM. Kelompok ini selain mengembangkan website wpik.org, menurut berbagai sumber juga mendapat dana dari sejumlah perusahaan asing.
Meski OPM belum sekuat GAM Aceh dalam menancapkan pengaruh-pengaruhnya di kalangan elit dan kelompok-kelompok basis di Papua, namun lobi-lobi OPM dengan dukungan beberapa LSM asing memang tidak sekali-kali untuk diremehkan.
20 Juli 2005 lalu misalnya, berhasil meloloskan sebuah draft RUU yang salah satu klausulnya, mempertanyakan kembali keabsahan Pepera (Penentuan Pendapat Rakyat) dalam mendukung kemerdekaan Papua. Sekaligus juga mengkritik pelaksanaan otonomi khusus di Papua.
RUU yang kelak dikenal dengan HR (House of Representatives) 2601 itu, akhirnya sempat beredar dua versi informasi. Yang pertama mengatakan telah dicabut karena mengagendakan Papua sekarang ini sudah tidak relevan lagi sehingga tidak akan menjadi hukum. Adapun versi kedua justru masih beranggapan RUU yang membahas penelitian ulang atas proses masuknya Papua ke Indonesia sampai sekarang belum dibatalkan.
Sebaiknya kita di Indonesia lebih mempercayai versi kedua ini. Mengingat versi ini justru disampaikan oleh Ketua Sub-komisi Asia-Pasifik dalam komisi Hubungan Luar Negeri Kongres Amerika.
Dan yang harus lebih diwaspadai lagi, HR2601 tersebut lingkupnya juga bisa mencakup semua kasus dan isu serupa yang terjadi di dunia. Meskipun bisa-bisa saja yang menyatakan secara eksplisit kasus Papua Barat sudah dihapuskan. Namun secara substansial, kasus Papua tetap saja dalam pantauan dan penelitian para anggota kongres Partai Demokrat.
Beberapa Sosok Asing di balik Gerakan Pro Papua Merdeka
Salah satu sosok yang harus dicermati adalah Eni Faleomavaega, Ketua Black Caucuses Amerika yang mengkampanyekan Irian Jaya sebagai koloni VOC bukan koloni Belanda di Kongres Amerika. Kabarnya, perwakilan Partai Demokrat dari American Samoa ini memimpin sekitar 38 anggota Black Caucuses yang mengklaim bahwa cepat atau lambat Papua akan merdeka.
Pengaruh tokoh satu ini ternyata tidak bisa dianggap enteng. Pada 2002, tak kurang dari Departemen Luar Negeri AS terpaksa mengeluarkan menerbitkan Buku Putih Deplu tentang Papua pada 2002. Disebutkan bahwa Irian Jaya masuk Indonesia pada 1826. Sementara Pepera merupakan pengesahan atau legalitas masuknya Irian Jaya ke NKRI pada 1969.
Bayangkan saja, Departemen Luar Negeri AS sampai harus meladeni seorang anggota parlemen seperti Eni Faleomavaega. Dan ternyata manuver Eni tidak sebatas di Amerika saja. Melalui LSM yang dia bentuk, Robert Kennedy Memorial Human Right Center, Eni dan 9 orang temannya dari Partai Demokrat, melakukan tekanan terhadap Perdana Menteri John Howard, agar memberi perlindungan terhadap 43 warga Papua yang mencari suaka di di Australia. Alasannya, mereka ini telah menjadi korban pelanggaran HAM TNI.
Di Australia, Bob Brown, politisi Partai Hijau Australia, juga santer mendukung gerakan pro Papua Merdeka, dengan mendesak pemerintahan Howard ketika itu untuk mendukung proses kemerdekaan Papua. Tentu saja usul gila-gilaan itu ditampik Howard, namun sebagai kompensasi, pemerintah Australia memberikan visa sementara kepada 42 pencari suaka asal Papua.
Tentu saja hubungan diplomatik Australia-RI jadi memanas, apalagi berkembang isu ketika itu bahwa ke-43 warga Papua cari suaka ke Australia itu sebenarnya merupakan “agen-agen binaan” Australia yang memang akan ditarik mundur kembali ke Australia. Artinya, permintaan suaka itu hanya alasan saja agar mereka tidak lagi bertugas menjalankan operasi intelijen di Papua. Mungkin kedoknya sebagai jaringan intelijen asing di Papua, sudah terbongkar kedoknya oleh pihak intelijen Indonesia.
Dan isyarat ini secara gamblang dinyatakan oleh Menteri Koordinator Politik, Hukum dan Keamanan Widodo AS. Menurut Widodo, pemberian visa sementara kepada warga Papua oleh Australia, telah membenarkan adanya spekulasi adanya elemen-elemen di Australia yang membantu usaha kemerdekaan Papua.
Menurut penulis, dan kami-kami di Global Future Institute, pernyataan Widodo sebenarnya sebuah sindiran atau serangan halus terhadap gerakan asing pro Papua merdeka. Bahwa yang sebenarnya bukan sekadar adanya elemen-elemen di Australia yang membantu kemerdekaan Papua, tapi memang ada suatu operasi intelijen dengan target utama adanya Papua Merdeka terpisah dari NKRI.
Selain Amerika dan Australia, manuver Papua Merdeka di Inggris kiranya juga harus dicermati secara intensif. 15 Oktober 2008, telah diluncurkan apa yang dinamakan International Parliaments for West Papua (IPWP) di House of Commons, atau DPR-nya Kerajaan Inggris.
Misi IPWP tiada lain kecuali mengangkat masalah Papua di fora internasional. Meski tidak mewakili negara ataupun parlemen suatu negara, namun sepak-terjang IPWP tidak bisa diabaikan begitu saja. Sebab IPWP bisa menjadi kekuatan penekan agar digelar referendum di Papua, penarikan pasukan TNI dari Papua, penempatan pasukan perdamaian di Papua di bawah pengawasan PBB.
Jelaslah sudah ini sebuah agenda berdasarkan skema Kosovo merdeka. Apalagi ketika IPWP juga mendesak Sekjen PBB meninjau kembali peranan PBB dalam pelaksanaan penentuan pendapat rakyat (pepera) 1969, sekaligus mengirim peninjau khusus PBB untuk memantau situasi HAM di Papua.
Agar kita sebagai elemen bangsa yang tidak ingin kehilangan provinsi yang kedua kali setelah Timor Timur, ada baiknya kita mencermati skenario Kosovo merdeka.
Kosovo terpisah dari negara bagian Serbia pada 17 Februari 2008. Dengan didahului adanya tuduhan pelanggaran HAM di provinsi Kosovo. Papua Barat dianggap mempunyai kesamaan latarbelakang dengan Kosovo. Yaitu, Indonesia dan Serbia dipandang punya track record buruk pelanggaran HAM terhadap rakyatnya. Sehingga mereka mengembangkan isu bahwa Kosovo perlu mendapat dukungan internasional. Inilah yang kemudian PBB mengeluarkan resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB 244 .
Seperti halnya juga dengan Kosovo yang memiliki nilai strategis dalam geopolitik di mata Amerika dan Inggris, untuk menghadapi pesaing globalnya, Rusia. Begitu pula di Papua, ketika perusahaan tambang Amerika Freeport dan perusahaan LNG Inggris, merupakan dua aset ekonomi mereka untuk mengeruk habis kekayaan alam di bumi Papua. Sekaligus untuk strategi pembendungan AS terhadap pengaruh Cina di Asia Pasifik, khususnya Asia Tenggara.
Balkanisasi Nusantara
1.Indonesia ada rencana hendak dibelah dengan memakai model Polinesia (negara pulau) di Lautan Pasifik. Sehingga mulai beredar pengguliran Isu Negara Timor Raya di Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur mulai santer terdengar.
2. Indonesia akan dibelah jadi tiga negara dengan berdasar pada klasifikasi provinsi ekonomi kuat dengan rincian sebagai berikut:
A. Aceh, Riau dan United Borneao(Kalimantan).
B. Pusat wisata dan seni dunia semacam Bali, Flores, Maluku dan Manado,
C. Jawa, Sunda dan Daerah Khusus Jakarta.
MODUS OPERANDI
Dengan melihat perkembangan terkini berdasarkan prakarsa dua anggota Kongres AS untuk menggolkan seruan resolusi agar Baluchistan diberi hak sejarah menentukan nasib sendiri dan negara sendiri, lepas dari Pakistan, maka Global Future Institute merasa perlu mengingatkan kemungkinan langkah langkah dua tahap yang akan ditempuh Amerika Serikat dan Sekutu-sekutu Eropanya:
1. Melakukan Internasionalisasi Isu Provinsi yang bermaksud ingin merdeka dan lepas dari negara induknya. Keberhasilan prakarsa dua anggota Kongres AS menggolkan resolusi Baluchistan, bisa jadi preseden bagi langkah serupa terhadap Papua.
2. Seiring dengan keberhasilan gerakan meng-internasionalisasi provinsi yang diproyeksikan akan jadi merdeka, maka REFERENDUM kemudian dijadikan pola dan modus operandi memerdekakan sebuah provinsi dan lepas dari negara induk.
Demikian, semoga menjadi perhatian dan kewaspadaan semua elemen bangsa, dan pemegang otoritas pemerintahan.
Sumber : GFI

UPDATE 2013

01 MEI 2013


MORNING STAR FLAG RAISED HIGH IN JAYAPURA TODAY!

But two peaceful Papuan activists have already been killed by the police.

SOURCE : HERE

  • MINERAL EXPLOITATION BY FREEPORT IN WEST PAPUA, HERE
  • TV Papua news of Januari 2013, HERE


CAUSE FILE :

A. CAUSE :
Page last updated on February 5, 2013

Relies on assistance from Australia to keep out illegal cross-border activities from primarily Indonesia, including goods smuggling, illegal narcotics trafficking, and squatters and secessionists

refugees (country of origin): 9,368 (Indonesia) (2011)


Current situation: 
Papua New Guinea is a source, destination, and transit country for men, women, and children subjected to sex trafficking and forced labor; women and children are subjected to sex trafficking and domestic servitude; trafficked men are forced to labor in logging and mining camps; migrant women and teenage girls from Malaysia, Thailand, China, and the Philippines are subjected to sex trafficking; men from China are transported to the country for forced labor 
Tier rating: 
Tier 3 - Papua New Guinea does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so; despite the government's acknowledgement of trafficking as a problem in the country, the government did not investigate any suspected trafficking offenses, prosecute or convict any trafficking offenders under existing laws, address allegations of officials complicit in human trafficking crimes, or identify or assist any trafficking victims (2008)
major consumer of cannabis

NOTE: 
The information regarding Papua New Guinea on this page is re-published from the 2013 World Fact Book of the United States Central Intelligence Agency. No claims are made regarding the accuracy of Papua New Guinea Transnational Issues 2013 information contained here. All suggestions for corrections of any errors about Papua New Guinea Transnational Issues 2013 should be addressed to the CIA. HERE   
This page was last modified 11-Mar-13
Copyright © 1995-2013 ITA all rights reserved. HERE

B. EFFECT :

West Papua Report 
February 2013
This is the 106th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This series is produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, other NGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online at HERE Questions regarding this report can be addressed to Edmund McWilliams at HERE. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a note to HERE. The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion piece; followed by "Update," a summary of some developments during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which lists of analyses, statements, new resources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a "Perspective" or responding to one should write to HERE. The opinions expressed in Perspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on West Papua see the reg.westpapua listserv Archive or on Twitter.
In this edition of the WPAT Report we are pleased to publish Jeremy Bally's PERSPECTIVE. Bally has carried his campaign for Papuan human rights across Canada by bicycle. In UPDATE we report the release of Papuan political leader Buchtar Tabuni and call attention to the growing militarization of security policy in Indonesia. In the CHRONICLE section Ed McWilliams takes issue with Sidney Jones's recent argument that Indonesia should apply its "anti-terror" law to address "separatism" in West Papua. We highlight a recent analysis that questions whether fascism is a threat in Indonesia; we note new reports on the devastating impact of the MIFEE project. We also highlight new videos, one from Al Jazeera English on repression in West Papua and two new video reports offering Papuan perspectives on life in a transmigration zone the human rights environment in the Wamena area. On its Silver Jubilee, the Melanesian Spearhead Group is urged to support West Papua.
PERSPECTIVE
by Jeremy Bally
As a young, white, economically-advantaged male who has made West Papua a centerpiece of his life, Martin Pelcher's recent article struck a chord with me. He writes that: "The international West Papua solidarity movement is in need of platforms for exchange that do not center the voices and perspectives of white people."
On April 27, 2012, 
I left Victoria, British Columbia, on my bicycle, heading east. It had been nearly three years since the name West Papua was first spoken to me by a concerned friend. Much of that time, aside from organizing the occasional movie night or coffee shop concert to raise awareness, had been spent timidly planning this forthcoming journey. Eventually, and thankfully before the rubber hit the road, I realized that it would be inappropriate to execute such a campaign without first getting permission, and stories, from West Papuans. The peoples of West Papua are diverse, strong, creative in their resistance and resilience, and hopeful. Theirs is a story that needs to be told. The struggle on this end is how to do so respectfully, thoroughly, and engagingly. I arrived in Manokwari by boat from Surabaya, in the wake of the Third National Congress, held in October 2011 and violentlyconcluded on the 19th of that month. Not having enough experience at that point to even know that I should have brought a voice recorder, I opted to write those early conversations into my travel journal:
"Adrian told us that his uncle was one of the people that'd been killed there, and it looked like he'd been tortured. He was apparently working in a community watch as a security guard, and nobody really knows what happened to him, but his body was found with the eyes gouged out, the feet removed, and a large gash cut into his chest."
Three people died that day, and indeed I was able to confirm later through news reports that one was a security guard, and most likely the uncle of my new friend Adrian. This experience was one of many that I eventually transformed into a story. West Papuan voices were transcribed, often verbatim (luckily, voice recorders are sold in Manokwari), into a multimedia presentation that paired narrative with live music, shadow puppetry, spoken word, and storytelling. Why not make it fun? I thought - just because it's brutal doesn't mean it can't be entertaining.


So I hit the road, and the reviews were good. People seemed to be genuinely engaging with the issue. Still, the road is a thoughtful place, and I found myself constantly struggling to justify this strange path I'd chosen. What right did I have to this story? Did the permission I was granted from a few West Papuans justify me towing word of their complex struggle into these distant communities? Was I telling it well? Or right? Over 7500 km and 31 presentations this thought never left my mind. Neither, however, did it overwhelm my judgment, or compromise my pursuit. 
In Jason MacLeod response in West Papua Media Alert's to Pelcher's article, I am reminded that, 
"Our role as solidarity activists is to continually emphasize that the struggle is being led by Papuans and that the role of outsiders is to support their efforts and amplify their voices." 
In 2012, the story I told, while drawing hugely on the translated transcripts of my interviews, was essentially a journal narrative - my journal narrative. But what else was I to do?  How, in our advocacy, do we allow the voices of Papuans to shine through, when it is inevitably our own experience that informs us? How do we, in part tactfully and selectively, exclude our own voice while bringing forth another's; the latter having been so stubbornly silenced by a dangerous and unbending occupation?
This short film was commissioned by Jeremy Bally to accompany his Pedalling for Papua presentations across Canada.
This VIDEO, produced by Canadian artists Chloe Ziner, Jessica Gabriel and Janet Walker of Mind of a Snail, is an animation of an edited version of one of my interviews in West Papua. It was played at the end of the 2012 presentation, billed as "my last interview." It became more and more clear to me throughout the journey, from both audience feedback and my own intuition, that it was perhaps the most important piece in the presentation. I eventually came to realize that, to some degree, it also addressed the questions I was struggling with. It is from this video that I am drawing a huge amount of inspiration for yet another ride. 


In 2013, I will be cycling once again through Canada, but also (with a bit of luck and a lot of support) the U.S., UK and Australia. I am currently in the early stages of producing a performance for this tour, which will feature newly animated recordings of English language interviews I conduct with West Papuans from both within their home region and abroad. Original music, live puppetry and story-telling will tie these voices together in a narrative which traces a history of struggle towards a future with hope. If there is one thing I learned while in West Papua, it is that the Indigenous peoples of that land are diverse, strong, creative in their resistance and resilience, and hopeful. Theirs is a story that needs to be told. The struggle on this end is how to do so respectfully, thoroughly, and engagingly. My goal is that, with the support and permission of those I interview, that challenge can be met this year with Pedalling for Papua 2013. I hope you will all join me in making this the year that tips the scales - where deep partnership brings change, and solidarity transcends borders.
Peace and bike grease,
Jeremy Bally

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twitter: @pedalforpapua
WEBSITE
 Buchtar Tabuni Released from False Imprisonment

BuchtarTabuni, Chair of the pro-independence National Parliament of West Papua, was released unexpectedly from Abepura prison on January 19, to a waiting group of about 50 of his supporters from the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), according to a report by WestPapua Media.His supporters KNPB members then escorted Tabuni on a long march to the site of the assassination of his friend, former KNPB Chairman Mako Tabuni. He was shot in broad daylight by the U.S. and Australian-funded and trained Detachment 88 counter-terror officers in Waena on June 14, 2012
Buchtar Tabuni was arrested on June 6, 2012, during an upsurge in mysterious OTK (Orang Terlatih Khusus or "specially trained persons") shootings, and publicly linked by then Papua Police Chief Bigman Tobing to the shootings. However, Tabuni's lawyer called the entire case "nothing more than a set up" during Tabuni's criminal trial in September. The lawyer, Gustaf Kawer, said at the time, "Buchtar had been linked to the shooting of Miron Wetipo but that case has already been solved, so it was clear that the authorities were trying to make a scapegoat of Buchtar." Tabuni was in custody when more shootings occurred. Kawer said during the trial that Tabuni "was not in any way connected with those shootings. So instead of being charged with the shootings he now faces the charge of inflicting damage on the Abepura Prison in 2010, which means that he should have been arrested in 2010." In a trial closed to independent witnesses and marked by significant intimidation of journalists by police and court officials, Tabuni was convicted on a charge of "having allegedly inflicted damage on the Abepura prison in December 2011" and "exchanging harsh words with prison warders." In recent months, Tabuni's health had suffered from his incarceration in atrocious and unhygienic conditions. He suffered respiratory illness, gastric diseases and dangerously low blood pressure.
The Militarization of Security


reported an agreement between the Indonesian military (TNI) and the national police that will give the military a greater role in dealing with communal conflict. The "Memorandum of Understanding" allows the TNI to deploy its personnel to areas at high risk of conflict without the consent of the local police. If the police request support of the military, the police will be in command of the operation, but if the military deploy without a police request, the military will command the operation. National Police chief Gen. Timur Pradopo said that under the MoU the police will be able to call on military assistance to deal with communal conflicts and demonstrations.
Rights activists are critical of the military-police agreement. Coordinator of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras) Haris Azhar said that the MoU could create a chaotic management of security that could lead to more human rights violations. Haris said that the mechanism for military assistance should be regulated by a law, instead of an MoU: "Because it is an MoU, it is as if the police and the military want us to think that other institutions should not be involved in its deliberation, including civic groups and the House of Representatives."


Imparsial's Al Araf of rights watchdog placed the MoU in the context of Presidential Instruction No. 2/2013. Issued on issued January 28, the instruction calls for better coordination to handle communal and social disputes. Araf said human rights advocates were concerned over possible abuse of the new memorandum and presidential instruction. "Don't make ground rules that only provide a blank check for the military to deal with security problems; it's dangerous,? he said.


WPAT Comment: The separation of the military and police provided entailed empowerment of police to address civil affairs. The new memorandum of understanding and new Presidential Instruction significantly erode this important reform and reflects a trend of re-militarization of Indonesian society. This trend is most obvious in West Papua.


CHRONICLE
The authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago, especially violence with complex motives, are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known.

Response to Call to Apply Indonesia's Anti-Terrorism Law in West Papua

Ed McWilliams responded to an analysis by Sidney Jones, which discussed the Indonesian government's unwillingness, thus far, to categorize the Papuan "ethno-nationalists/separatists" as "terrorists." Her analysis focuses on the different approaches employed against the West Papuan "ethno-nationalists/separatists" and Islamic militants ("jihadists") by prosecutors and the security forces (police, military and Detachment88). Jones contends that "the discrepancy between the way the two groups are treated by the legal system is untenable." She considers two alternatives: One would be to employ anti-terrorism law in West Papua, and the other would entail moving away from the use of anti-terror law against "jihadists." She argues against the latter approach of "pulling back from the use of the anti-terror law." Jones cites various incidents of violence in West Papua that she claims were committed by these "ethno-nationalists and separatists." While Jones "summarily credits recent violent acts in West Papua to the 'ethno-nationalists and separatists'.... She knows, or should know, that the authors of violence in the Indonesian archipelago -- especially violence with complex motives -- are never so clear cut as her lecture implies. This is especially true of West Papua where police-military rivalries over access to resources and sources of extortion monies is well known. Jones should know also that military, police and intelligence agencies, have long played the role of provocateur, orchestrating acts of violence which advance agendas that are invariably obscure. "Employing the "terrorist" label against "ethno-nationalist and separatist" groups and individuals in West Papua could have direct legal implications for international solidarity movements," writes McWilliams. 
Edmund McWilliams is a retired U.S. Foreign Service Officer who served as the Political Counselor at the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta 1996-1999. He received the American Foreign Service Association's Christian Herter Award for creative dissent by a senior foreign service official. He is a member of the West PapuaAdvocacy Team and a consultant with the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). 
Read McWilliams full response here: Posted here: HERE 
"Is Indonesia Headed Toward Fascism?"
An analysis from the "Kontinum" website examines a raft of already ratified laws and under legislation still under consideration and raises the question: Is Indonesia Heading Towards Fascism? The analysis has particular relevance for West Papua where groups could be targeted by the new legislation. New laws on Dealing with Social Conflict and Intelligence have already passed. Three similar regulations are in process. These concern national security, military reserve forces, and civil society. Groups would need government permission to form and would have to disclose their activities and sources of funding. The legislation, taken as a whole, would limit key civil liberties such as the right to free speech and to assembly and greatly broaden the power of the military to act independent of civilian control. State security forces would have the right to abduct, arrest or spy on citizens, as part of their mandate to uphold the social order, and this can also include armed intervention.
Source: HERE
English Translation: HERE

Al Jazeera Offers Powerful West Papua Program

People & Power investigates the West Papuan struggle for independence featuring interviews with KNPB Chair Victor Yeimo and human rights activist Socratez Sofyan Yoman. The 25-minute documentary filmed in 2012 by Dom Rotheroe and Sally Collister documents growing repression in the region.
Papuan Views

Papuan Voices/Engage Media has recently produced two short videos: Hidup di Trans (Life in the Transmigration Zone) is the story of a Papuan man from Merauke who has faced discrimination as a result of transmigration programs. Suara Piluh di Wamena is a reflection on the human rights situation around Wamena in 2012

UN Special Rapporteur's Visit Hampered
In mid-January, WPAT called on the Indonesian government not to prevent UN Special Rapporteur Frank La Rue from visiting political prisoners in West Papua and Ambon, which were to be central to his visit. WPAT urged LaRue to postpone his trip if he were to be prevented from visiting West Papua and Ambon. Though Indonesia had agreed to the visit last May, the government's proposed restrictions would preclude La Rue from visiting West Papuan and other political prisoners held in Jayapura and elsewhere. At the end of January, Metro TV ran a 25-minute program on political prisoners in Papua and Ambon. The program (in Bahasa Indonesia) describes how La Rue's visit was hampered by the Indonesian government. He was scheduled to arrive in Jakarta on January 14; the visit has yet to be rescheduled.
The MIFEE project has disrupted the lives of local people, destroying local food resources, and causing grave pollution which has damaged the health of the local residents, notably the children.
Government MIFEE Scheme Devastating Lives of Local Papuans
January 20 report by Brooke Nolan in the Jakarta Globe offers a devastating critique of the Indonesian government's MIFEEdevelopment plan in the Manokwari area of West Papua. The project has disrupted the lives of local people, destroying local food resources, and causing grave pollution which has damaged the health of the local residents, notably the children. Promises of jobs for local people have evaporated as employment opportunities instead have gone to transmigrants, non-Papuans brought into the area to work in the project. Contrary to important promises by the Government, pristine forest has been cut to support the $5 billion dollar project.


The local people have sought the support of local NGOs and presented their concerns to the United Nations Human Rights Commission. The Indonesian government has refused to discus the project and its impact on the local people with the UN.
Down To Earth has posted a detailed summary of recent developments related to the project.

MSG Should Support West Papua
The Australia West Papua Association (Sydney) urged the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) to "support for the people of West Papua." The MSG was celebrating its Silver Jubilee as it met in Vanuatu. Joe Collins of AWPA said "the MSG showed its visionary policy in supporting the people of Kanaky (New Caledonia) to be a member of the MSG represented by the Front de Liberation Nationale Kanak et Socialiste (FLNKS)." AWPA urged I. The MSG bringstogether the four Melanesian countries, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islandsand Vanuatu, and the FLNKS.
Link to this issue: HERE , HERE

War Profiteer of the Month
Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE)
A Food Project Invasion in West Papua

18 Mar 2011 — javier
Rosa Moiwend

Background
Papua is the western half of New Guinea, the world’s second largest island, located about 200 km from the north of Australia. When the Dutch colonised this territory, it called it Dutch New Guinea. The name of this territory has changed over time according to its political status. The Papuan political leaders then changed the name of Dutch New Guinea to West Papua when they prepared for the self-government of this territory in 1961. As soon as the Dutch left in 1962, Indonesia took over the territory, and then West Papua became one of the Indonesian provinces, called Irian Jaya. In 1999, the demand for independence from Papuans increased. In 2001 the Indonesian government granted a Special Autonomy status for Papua under law number 21, and accepted the original name of Papua. Yet, the autonomous status does not mean self-government. All development policies are still under the control of Jakarta, including the policy over investment in natural resources. Moreover, Papua is the only province of Indonesia which it is still identified as a conflict zone under the national defence policy after East Timor became an independent country in 1999 and after Acheh Province signed a Peace Agreement in 2008.
After nine years of Special Autonomy, Papuans realised that this status does not provide significant changes in many aspects of their life. Moreover, the Indonesian government controls the regulation of investment in natural resources by opening easy access for multinational companies to exploit the abundant minerals and forests. Some multinational corporations such as Freeport McMoran, a US giant mining company, plan long-term investment and spend huge amounts of money on security using Indonesian military from the Special Forces (Kopassus) and police. The UK/US company BP and some Korean and Chinese companies, are on the list of investors as well. The Indonesian government through its programme to save energy and deal with the world food crisis plans to open up a massive area of land in the southern part of Papua with a mega-project on food and bio-energy called MIFEE (Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate). Since the demand for independence and the various demands for indigenous people's rights cause opposition to the investors, the government uses a military approach as the only way to stop the conflict. After Freeport McMoran, MIFEE would be the next disaster for Papua. This article will portray a small part of the struggle over Food and Bio Energy project in Papua.
Malind, one of the indigenous communities in Merauke
Merauke is the southern part of Papua, covered by swampy forest with many rivers flowing down, mixed with massive savannah. The ecosystem in this region is unique. According to WWF, Merauke is one of the important places in the New Guinea Trans Fly Eco-region with its abundant bio-diversity.
Local tribes who have been living in the region are the Malind, Muyu and Mandobo, as well as Mappi and Auyu. The Malin tribe is one of the tribes most affected by the Food and Energy project. Some missionaries and anthropologists such as EB Savage from London Missionary Society, AC Haddon and Van Baal from the Netherlands, wrote in the early of 19th century about the Malind people in the region1. Malind people identify themselves according to their Dema (ancestors). They believe that some places in Merauke are sacred, as Demas had visited that place on their journey. More than that, they believe that ancestors live there so they should protect that place and give their respect to it. If they disobey, they will get a customary sanction which bring bad things in their lives. These beliefs are transferred from generation to generation. Malind recognised each other according to the symbols of clans. There are six big clans with their own symbols; Gebze with coconut, Mahuze with the sagoo palm, Basik with a pig, Samkakai with a kangaroo, Kaize with a cassowary and Balagaise with a falcon bird. These symbols integrated with the customary rules that control and influence their lives. Losing one of the symbols in nature means losing their identity.
Malind people have their own mechanism for using their natural resources. Each clan has its own customary territory that functions as a hunting place, for gardening, as a fishing ground, and to settle. Each place has a boundary that doesn'tt appear on the government map of land rights. All explanations and knowledge of customary matters are found in their customary law. If the sacred places and boundaries are lost, it means that internal conflict between clans might happen. This is the reason for the importance of keeping the customary boundaries and sacred places.
Merauke Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE)
In 2009, when a food and energy crisis hit the world in connection with global warming, the Indonesian President, Susilo Bambang Yudhyono, declared his goal of feeding “Indonesia and the world” by developing a food and energy estate in Merauke, Papua. As a mean of stabilising the security of Indonesia’s food, the project – called Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate, or MIFEE -- covers 1.6 million hectares of commercial plantations. Merauke has been designated a national Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in order to attract the $8.6 billion of investment needed for the project. MIFEE is one of the priority programmes of the second term of his presidency (2009 to 2014).
To fulfill its ambition, the government of Indonesia has invited multinational companies from the Middle East, Asia, and the US, as well as from Indonesia. More than 30 companies confirmed their interest in this project and have already received concessions from the Indonesian government. Some, such as the Bin Laden Group from Saudi Arabia, announced their interest in spending 43 million dollars for 500,000 hectares of land on rice fields in Merauke. Then it was followed by some other companies from Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates who also want to invest in agribusiness in Indonesia2. International Paper, based in Memphis, Tennessee, is also reported to have had exploratory talks with the Indonesian minister of forestry concerning developing a mill either in Kalimantan or in Merauke3. From Asia, a Japanese Corporation, the Mitsubishi group, the Wilmar group from Singapore, and LG International from Korea, also made commitments to this project though a joint venture with Indonesian companies. Companies such as Medco Group, owned by Arifin Panigoro; Artha Graha Network, owned by Tomy Winata; PT Bangun Cipta Sarana, owned by Siswono Yudhohusodo; Comexindo International, owned by Hasyim Djojohadikusumo; Sumber Alam Sutra; Korindo; PT Rajawali Nusantara Indonesia; Sinar Mas; PT Kertas Nusantara; PT Digul Agro Lestari as part of Astra Agro Lestari, and Sinar Mas Group4 are the Indonesian partners of these multinational companies. As well as investing in food plantations, many of them are interested in industrial timber plantation and cheap production.
MEDCO Group vs Malind
Medco International is an integrated corporation that invests in oil, gas, mining and energy sectors across Asia, Africa, and the US. It has 8 production blocks in the US and the Gulf of Mexico, 2 exploration blocks in Yemen, 2 blocks in Cambodia, 1 block in Tunisia, and 1 in Libya1. According to The Jakarta Post, Hilmi Panigoro, the presidential commissioner, stated that Medco Energy International will collaborate with the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) for US$ 400 million investment on an oil facility in Libya. The investment will be shared fifty-fifty with LIA.2 In Indonesia, Medco Energy owns 10 blocks in total in Sumatra, Java, Kalimantan and Sulawesi. 
In order to spread out its business, Medco Energy particularly shows an interest in bio-fuel and bio-energy. In Sumatra (Lampung), Medco is spending US$ 45 million for 13,000 hectares of Cassava plantations. Then in Merauke, Papua, Medco is investing in 170,000 hectares for an industrial timber plantation. MIFEE has one of its priorities as energy investment. It has been planning to operate using a similar model of corporate farming as in Brazil. According to Hilmi Panigoro, Brazil is a successful model of an integrated agriculture project regarding energy and food security. Panigoro said Brazil has switched 50% of its fuel consumption from only 1% of its fertile land. Moreover, he quotes the studies of the FAO in 2005 that suggested Indonesia has more potential for developing bio-energy than Brazil. 3
Medco has strong support from the Indonesian government and the local authorities in Merauke. Without consulting with the Malind people, the Indonesian government, with help from the local government, has split opinions in the area about forestry and agriculture.
In September 2009, LG International announced its partnership with Medco Group to obtain 1 million hectares of Papua's forests for wood chips. For that reason, the Korean corporation spent about US$ 25 million on 25% of PT Metra Duta Lestari (Medco Group), with another 66% held by Medco.4
Local independent media, Jubi online, reported complaints from the Malind tribes’ leader Alberth Onoka Gebze Moiwend, in Merauke, about Medco’s activities. Alberth explained that Medco’s forest clearance was destroying hunting places, and firewood and food grounds of the Malind tribes who live in Bupu village. In addition, wastes from Medco’s pulp factory in Bupu village is polluting the river, which is the only water supply for the village. Yet Medco Group refuses to say that its activity affects deforestation. The company, is already producing large amounts of timber from natural forests, and has shipped several barges, mostly of acacia and eucalyptus trees for chips in Merauke. All the land will be cleared and then replanted with other seedlings of commercial timber. Moreover, Onoka Moiwend asserted that Medco activities could potentially bring the indigenous people in Merauke towards slow extermination.
The Malin people in Kaliki, a small village near the town, are waiting for their compensation from Medco. According to the local church, the PT Medco Papua (PT Medco) company entered Kaliki village in 2008 and promised to pay compensation to five clans (Mahuze, Kaize, Balagaize, Gebze, and Ndiken) who own the land. On 3 March, 2008, they organised a meeting with villagers. PT Medco promised to give them compensation for the use of land with 10 motorbikes for the Gebze family, who owned most of the land; and they promised to build houses for the villagers. Additionally, the company would provide each villager with their own bank account and provide a school and houses for the teachers. Also, there would be guaranteed scholarships and dormitory costs for children of Kaliki who continued their studies in the city. The company would facilitate a new road to Kaliki as well. Medco would provide jobs for villagers in order to improve their economic situation.
Nevertheless, the company created internal conflicts between clans in the village by signing an agreement with only the other four clans. In the meantime, Medco made another agreement with the Gebze clan who agreed to sell 20 hectares of their land with only a payment of 20 Million Rupiahs (approximately £1500). The four other clans complained to the company and the Gebze. Misunderstandings between those clans finally led to one of the Gebze members being a victim of a black magic practice that cause his death. Villagers and Gebze families believed that the black magic was sent by people from the other clans. For that reason, the clans are fighting against each other while the company continues to run its project. Just recently, the local church took an initiative to mediate between the Gebze and other clans to resolve their conflict. Finally, the villagers have decided to reject PT Medco and its activities in Kailiki.
It has been reported that there has been strong rejection of MIFEE by local people. Solidarity groups called SORPATOM and KOMALI have formed a resistance alliance. Protests and demonstrations had been organised by these groups. Furthermore, the customary leaders in Merauke wrote a letter of rejection to MIFEE and sent it to the UN Special Rapporteur for Indigenous People was facilitated by AMAN (The Indigenous People’s Alliance of Archipelago), the main Indonesian Indigenous People’s forum. AMAM delivered a statement of concern about human rights in Merauke in connection with the MIFEE project to the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York, in April, 2010. AMAN in its statement categorises the MIFEE project as “a structural and systematic genocide of the West Papuan people” this was endorsed by 24 indigenous people's organisations around the world5. The rejection of MIFEE has now gained big support from different organisations in Indonesia and Papua, and internationally as well.
The case of Kaliki is only one of many cases that have happened in the region. Not only Medco, but also some 30 other companies cause problems for the indigenous people there. However, the Indonesian government stays quiet and continues its interest in this mega-food project. At tge local government level, Merauke recently had a new head of authority who has a different perspective on this food project. Romanus Mbaraka, the new head has decided to postpone operating this project under the local legislation. However, he has no authority to influence national investment policy.
The question is for how long the indigenous people in Papua will resist the bombardment of investments threatening their existence in their ancestors' land.

Notes
1) “A Small Paradise will be Annihilated”, an article by Rosa Biwangko Moiwend, publised in tabloid Suara Perempuan Papua (local newspaper) 2010.
2) GATRA.
3) Down to Earth No. 78, August 2008, page 2, Merauke mega-project raises food fears.
4) Bisnis International, No. 63/Vol. iX, 2000, hal. 30-40; Agrina, No. 100, Vol. 4, 1-14 April 2009; Globe Asia, Sept. 2008, hal. 62).
5) 9M10 Investor’s update, November 2010 at MEDCO
6) The Jakarta Post, 11 March 2010
7) Public Discussion on MIFEE, Kompas Jakarta, 10 April 2009
8) LG Corp




A group of revolutionaries interested in liberalization the island and Oceania and African countries Against imperialism and reactionary

Goals
1 - independence from the Commonwealth and Liberation of the western part
2 - establishment of a modern state free and sovereign
3 – making education and health free for all
4 - establishment of social justice
5 - exploitation of resources for the benefit of the all of people
6 - Elimination of corruption and re-distribution of wealth
7 - the establishment of political, social and religious freedom
8 - the elimination of privileges such as foreign imperialist privileges big companies
9 - establishment of an independent foreign policy
10 - establish a strong army and formation of regional alliances and international 
Information
1 - Front peaceful does not have a military wing supports military official
2 - Front aims mainly to the spread of education among the population

Source : HERE




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About Octa Dandy Saiyar

Kelahiran Jakarta keturunan asli Bukittinggi, Sumatera Barat .
07 Oktober 1983.



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